The Formulation of EU Foreign Policy: Socialization, Negotiations and Disaggregation of the State by Nicola Chelotti

Author:Nicola Chelotti [Chelotti, Nicola]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: International Relations, Political Science, General
ISBN: 9781317569381
Google: OIRwCwAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 26536261
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2015-12-25T00:00:00+00:00

Source: Author’s calculation from original database (138 collected, close-ended questionnaires with CFSP/CSDP national officials).

Notes:

1 Options 4+5+6 (6-point scale)

2 Option 1 (4-point scale)

3 Options ‘very much’ and ‘fairly enough’ (4-point scale).

On the other hand, variation in the domestic oversight of Brussels bureaucrats is often cast in terms of different national characteristics and arrangements. As a result, three variables at the macro- (state) level are introduced. In Chapter 3, two state-level variables (the degree of pro-Europeism and power) were used to analyse the strategies states might adopt when appointing diplomats to the PRs in Brussels. Here, a third state variable is added, i.e. the model of democracy (majoritarian versus consensual) prevalent in the various EU member states.11 Firstly, a positive correlation (with a wider margin for manoeuvring) can be hypothesized in the presence of a positive national attitude towards the CFSP/CSDP (H3: Europeism). States that are more pro-European and share widespread consensus about the benefits of a European foreign policy tend to rely more on their national servants in Brussels; on the other hand, countries that appear more lukewarm employ a higher number of officials to better monitor their representatives in CFSP/CSDP committees (Kassim and Peters 2001: 327). These national orientations were measured using two (Eurobarometer) questions on the positions of the 27 public opinions regarding the benefits of the EU foreign and defence policies. National officials act in CFSP/CSDP settings by taking into account their fellow citizens’ points of view due to electoral reasons and also because both belong to the same political culture (Koenig-Archibugi 2004b). Secondly, military power is often considered in international relations literature, as well as by realism, as the key variable for understanding how states behave inter-nationally. In this vein, most powerful states (here measured in terms of GDP), 12since they prefer not to be tied to international/European commitments, are expected to give more importance and allocate more resources to the control of their own servants in Brussels, whereas smaller states’ representatives are likely to enjoy more leeway in their work (H4: Power). Sovereignty is not necessarily valued in the same way by all member states.

Finally, the control of domestic administrations over their officials in the PRs can be based on the wider constitutional characteristics of the country (H5: Democracy). The distinction between majoritarian and consensual democracies (Lijphart 1999) can be helpful here. The majoritarian principle indicates that a limited number of people/interests controls and captures the power in a certain polity, and there are clear divisions between these people and those who are outside the power circle. The national executive tends to have centralizing forces and aspirations. Majoritarian models might therefore produce stronger domestic control over the European layer of their administration. On the other hand, in a consensual polity, power is shared and dispersed among a plurality of actors, and the decision-making process reflects and takes into account a broad array of positions (including those of minorities). Systems based on consensus and cooperation are likely to accept or promote the wider involvement of Brussels-based civil servants in the formulation and negotiation of the national position.

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